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Stradling Transport Research Institute, Napier University, Edinburgh, UK Introduction Recent reviews (Lancaster & Ward, 2002; Stradling et al., 2003) have summarized research showing that for car drivers in highly motorized societies levels of speeding behavior vary systematically with driver gender (e.g., Brook, 1987; Buchanan, 1996; French, West, Elander, & Wilding, 1993; Meadows & Stradling, 2000; Shinar, Schechtman, & Compton, 2001; Waterton, 1992), with driver age (e.g., Boyce & Geller, 2002; Ingram, Lancaster, & Hope, 2001; Parker, Manstead, Stradling, & Reason, 1992; Quimby, Maycock, Palmer, & Grayson, 1999; Shinar et al., 2001; Stradling, Meadows, & Beatty, 2000), with driver exposure measures such as reported annual mileage (e.g., Stradling et al., 2003), with trip purpose and time pressure (e.g., Rietveld & Shefer, 1998; Silcock, Smith, Knox, & Beuret, 2000), with vehicle performance and size (e.g., Evans & Herman, 1976; Horswill & Coster, 2002; Wasielewski & Evans, 1985) and with indices of driver personality (e.g., Elander, West, & French, 1993; Lajunen, 1997; Rimmo & Aberg, 1999; Stradling & Meadows, 2000; Sumer, 2003; Ulleberg, 2002). Research has also shown that road traffic accident involvement is associated with having been detected speeding for both car drivers (Cooper, 1997; Gebers & Peck, 2003; Rajalin, 1994; Stradling et al., 2000, 2003) and powered two wheeler riders (Ormston, Dudleston, Pearson, & Stradling, 2003; Stradling & Ormston, 2003). This chapter combines data sets from two recent studies of Scottish drivers, one conducted for the Scottish Executive and one for the Strathclyde Safety Camera Partnership. Both surveys involved in-home interviews with quota samples of drivers. Full details of sampling strategy and sample demographics are given in Stradling et al. (2003) and Campbell and Stradling (2003). Data from 1088 drivers from the first survey and 1101 from the second, who held a current driving license, had driven within the previous year and who cited ‘car’ as their main vehicle when driving are combined here to give a picture of the current speeding behaviors and collision involvement of Scottish car drivers. The chapter concludes with a suggestion for the remediation of speeding behaviors. Detected Speeders How Many Of These Drivers Had Been Detected Exceeding The Speed Limit? Respondents were asked how many times they had been stopped by the police for speeding during their driving career and how many times they had been flashed by a speed camera in the past three years. Twenty seven percent had been stopped by the police for speeding during their driving careers and 20% had been flashed by a speed camera. Overall 37% had been stopped or flashed or both and were labeled ‘speeders’. Does Having Been Detected Speeding Vary With Gender And With Age? The final column of Table 1 shows that half of the male drivers and a quarter of the female drivers had been detected speeding. Table 1 also shows how the proportion of ‘speeders’ varies across the age range, separately for male and female drivers. Chi-square tests showed that the proportions were significantly different between males and females overall and within each age range and that, within both genders, the proportions differed with age (all p < .001). Table 1. Proportions of Speeders by Age Group, Separately for Male and Female Drivers Age in years17-2425-3435-4445-5455-6465+TotalMale% speeders32545666524449.9% Female% speeders13353326231825.4%  Does Having Been Detected Speeding Vary With Reported Annual Mileage? Table 2 gives the proportions of speeders amongst those currently driving different annual mileages. Chi-square analyses showed that for both male and female drivers the proportion that are speeders increased as annual mileage increased and that the proportion of male speeders exceeded that of female speeders at each mileage band (all p < .001). The proportions that had been detected speeding varied from 13% of those female drivers currently driving less than 5,000 miles per annum to 62% of those male drivers currently driving more than 12,000 miles per annum. Table 2. Proportions of Speeders by Annual Mileage Group, Separately for Male and Female Drivers Annual mileage (miles)< 5,0005,000-9,99910,000-12,000> 12,000TotalMale% speeders3044536249.9% Female% speeders1324284625.4%  Does Having Been Detected Speeding Vary With Current Engine Size? Table 3 shows the variation in proportion of speeders with engine size of car currently driven. Chi-square analyses showed that for both males and females the proportion who were speeders tended to increase as current engine capacity increased, while the proportion of males who have been detected speeding exceeded that for females in each engine size band (all p < .001). Approaching two thirds of males (64%) currently driving large cars of 2 liters or above had been detected speeding, compared to below 1 in 5 (18%) of females currently driving small cars. Table 3. Proportions of Speeders by Engine Capacity Group, Separately for Male and Female Drivers Engine capacity (liters)<1.31.3-1.61.6-1.9>2.0TotalMale% speeders3945576449.9 Female% speeders1828293925.4  Speeding and Recent Collision Involvement Does Having Been Detected Speeding Covary with Having a Recent Collision History? Fifteen per cent of the sample (18% of the male drivers and 13% of the female drivers) reported having been involved in one or more road traffic accidents as a driver within the last three years. While 13% of male and 11% of female non-speeders reported recent road traffic accident (RTA) involvement, the proportions reporting recent RTA involvement were significantly elevated (p < .001) to 22% for both male and female speeders. While overall half (50%) of males and a quarter (25%) of female drivers in the sample were speeders, these proportions were significantly elevated (p < .001) to 64% for males and 41% for females amongst those who reported recent RTA involvement. This section has shown, using data from two recent large-scale surveys of Scottish car drivers and defining ‘speeders’ as drivers who had been ever stopped by the police for speeding or had been flashed by a speed camera in the previous three years, that twice as many male as female drivers are speeders, that the incidence varies with age, with annual mileage and with engine size, and that approaching twice as many speeders as non-speeders had been recently involved in a road traffic accident as a driver. Situational Influences On Speed Choices Under What Circumstances Do Drivers Vary Their Speed On The Road? Respondents were asked to indicate whether they would drive faster, slower or the same as usual in a number of situations. They rated 18 scenarios asking how they would drive ‘Compared to how I normally drive on my own …’, on a 7-point scale from 1 ‘Much slower’, through 4 ‘Much the same as usual’ to 7 ‘Much faster’. Table 4 shows the distribution of responses collapsed to Slower (scale points 1-3), Same as Usual (4) and Faster (5-7), with the situations arranged in descending order of percentage of drivers saying they would drive faster. Half of drivers (55%) say they would speed up when late and a third (30%) would speed up if the traffic around them were moving faster than they normally drive. Almost all drivers would slow down when driving in fog (98%) and heavy rain (96%). Many drivers indicated they would make ‘no change’ in their speed choice in some of the circumstances. Table 4. Influence of Journey Conditions on Driver Speed Choices [Row percentage]Under this condition, I drive…SlowerSame as usualFasterWhen you are late for a meeting or appointment14455When the traffic ahead is moving faster than you normally drive36730When feeling stressed235621When someone is driving close behind you345412When listening to music4888When the weather is hot10856With people your own age in the car6904When the traffic is moving more slowly than you normally drive69274When driving under streetlights34651When driving in the dark66331On unfamiliar roads88111With older people in the car37620When driving in light rain42570With children in the car57420When you see speed camera warnings58410When you spot a speed camera65350When driving in heavy rain9640When driving in fog9820 Most of the variables were skewed to one pole or the other (faster or slower) with only two variables showing substantial bi-polar differentiation across drivers: 23% would drive more slowly when feeling stressed while 21% would drive faster; 12% of drivers would speed up when someone was driving close behind them, while one third (34%) say they would slow down when being tailgated. The data was submitted to principal components analysis (KMO .756; Bartlett’s test p < .001). Three factors had eigenvalues greater than unity and passed the scree test. The three factors were labeled Adverse driving conditions, Responsibilities to others, and Arousal. Variables loading on the first factor had Adverse driving conditions as a common link, with driving in heavy rain (.71), in the dark (.59), on an unfamiliar road (.57), in fog (.56), in light rain (.55), under streetlights (.54) and in traffic moving more slowly than the respondent normally drives (.34) loading positively on this factor. From Table 4 it may be seen that all the variables that loaded on this factor tended to make the respondent drive more slowly than their usual speed and they may thus all be seen as constraining a driver’s opportunity to speed. Variables loading on the second factor covered Responsibilities to others. These obligations included compliance with enforcement authorities and the law when spotting a speed camera (.79) or speed camera warning signs (.73); duty of care to vulnerable present others, both older people (.58) and children (.55) in the car; and undertakings made to distant others at one’s destination when running late for a meeting or appointment (.39). While the latter tended to make drivers increase their speed, the other items tended to make respondents drive slower than their usual speed (see Table 4). The variables which loaded positively on the third factor were having people of the driver’s age in the car (.62), driving when the weather is hot (.60), driving while listening to music (.59), when feeling stressed (.42), being late (.39), when someone is driving close behind you (.36) and when the traffic ahead is faster than the respondent’s usual speed (.35), all situations in which feelings of Arousal or stimulation are likely to be present. This factor consisted of variables tending to make respondents drive faster than their usual speed (see Table 4). These three factors may be seen as sorting influences on driver in-journey speed choices into three groups: those influencing, by constraining, the opportunity to speed; those influencing obligation to refrain from speeding; and those driving the inclination to speed. This pattern of results is consistent with the claim that transport choices are driven by the interaction of opportunity (‘Can I do it?’), obligation (‘Should I do it?’) and inclination (‘Do I want to do it?’) (Stradling, 2002; 2003). Speed Choices and Speeders Are Any of These Speed Choices – Driving Faster or Slower than Normal – More Prevalent Amongst Those Drivers Who have been Detected Speeding? Table 5 shows there were statistically significant differences (p < .10) between speeders and non-speeders on 8 of the 18 speed choice scenarios. Table 5. Speed Choices under Different Scenarios for Drivers Detected Speeding and not % faster% slowerp for chi-squareNot speederSpeederNot speederSpeederLate for meeting or appointment4964.000Traffic ahead faster than you normally drive2635.005Feeling stressed1824.091Traffic ahead slower than you normally drive36.009On unfamiliar roads8986.000You spot a speed camera5974.000See speed camera warning signs5663.001With older passengers3444.000 More of those drivers who had been detected speeding reported driving faster when late, when the traffic ahead is moving faster or slower than they normally drive, and when feeling stressed. Fewer of them drive slower on unfamiliar roads, and more of them drive slower when they spot a speed camera or speed camera warning signs and when they have older passengers in the car. Speed Choices and Recent Collision Involvement Are Drivers Who have been Recently Collision Involved More Likely to Speed up or Slow down under Any of these Scenarios? Table 6 shows there were significant differences in behavior (p < .10) on 6 of the 18 speed choice scenarios between those who had and those who had not been RTA involved as a driver in the previous 3 years. More of the recently RTA-involved drivers say they would drive faster compared to how they normally drove when late for an appointment, while listening to music, when feeling stressed, and when the traffic ahead was moving faster than they normally drove. More say they would drive more slowly when they spot a speed camera, suggesting they know they will likely be exceeding the speed limit, and with children in the car, suggesting they know their normal rate of progress would be inappropriate when transporting child passengers. Table 6. Proportions of non RTA-involved and RTA-involved Drivers who Report Varying their Speed in Particular Circumstances % faster% slowerp for chi-squareNo RTAsSome RTAsNo RTAsSome RTAsLate for meeting or appointment5365.000Listening to music715.000Feeling stressed1928.005Traffic ahead faster than you normally drive2934.038You spot a speed camera6471.001With children in the car5665.083 Conclusions and Suggestions From a large survey of car drivers in Scotland a group designated ‘speeders’ were identified. Thirty seven per cent of Scottish car drivers had ever been stopped by the police for speeding or had been flashed by a speed camera within the past three years. Membership of the ‘speeder’ group varied with driver gender (M: 50%; F: 25%), age, reported annual mileage and current car engine size. Respondents indicated whether they would drive faster, the same as usual, or slower compared to how they normally drove on their own for 18 journey scenarios. Half said they would speed up when late for a meeting or appointment, and a quarter when the traffic flow was faster than they normally drove. Almost all would slow down in fog and in heavy rain. Many indicated there were situations in which they would not vary their speed. Factor analysis identified three groupings: situations where the opportunities for fast driving were constrained by inclement weather conditions, darkness, unfamiliar roads or slow moving traffic; situations where obligations to present or distant others would bring speed change; and circumstances where situational arousal tended to increase the inclination to vary speed. Those who had been detected speeding were significantly more likely to slow down for speed cameras and camera warning signs, on unfamiliar roads and with older passengers, but to drive faster when late for a meeting or appointment, when feeling stressed, or if the traffic around them was driving faster or slower than they normally drove. More of those drivers who had been RTA involved within the previous 3 years indicated they would slow down for a speed camera and when driving with children in the car, and more of the RTA involved said they would drive faster when late, when feeling stressed, when listening to music and when the weather was hot. Remediation: Combining Enforcement and Education to Change Speeding Behavior Whilst there is no guarantee that changing these particular on-road responses to in-journey situational exigencies would reduce the future speeding behavior of drivers, or their future RTA involvement, there is a prima facie case for incorporating these research findings into the curricula of post-qualification retraining courses for speeding or for crash-involved drivers. Recently in some jurisdictions in the UK courses have been made available as diversions from prosecution for drivers charged with driving without due care and attention (Driver Improvement Courses) or detected exceeding the speed limit by up to 20 mph (Speed Awareness Courses). Four Functions for a Speed Camera Safety cameras on UK roads, whose deployment and operation are currently undertaken by partnerships between the police, local authorities and the courts, serve three main purposes but could serve a fourth. Hazardous location indication. In the UK today most automatic safety cameras for detecting speeding motorists are located at crash hot spots. The deployment criteria being followed by the more than 40 Safety Camera Partnerships across the UK require speed cameras to be placed where there are elevated levels of recent, and speed-related, RTAs. The fixed-site cameras are also highly visible being painted yellow or, in Scotland, with yellow and red diagonal stripes. Their first function is thus to signal to the approaching driver ‘Look out! Take extra care! This has lately proved to be a dangerous stretch of road.’ They do not, however, provide any further site-specific hazard information (‘What, exactly, should I be looking out for?’) beyond this general alerting function. General deterrence. Speed cameras slow down speeding drivers. In one study of newly installed speed cameras in built-up areas in Glasgow, Scotland (Campbell & Stradling, 2002a) baseline data showed 64% of passing motorists in excess of the speed limit. Installing speed camera housings reduced this to 37%. When the camera units became operational three months later the figure reduced further to 23%. Thus the number of speeders at the camera sites was reduced from two-thirds to one quarter in six months. Specific deterrence. A study using the conviction and crash records of a large sample of drivers in Ontario, Canada (Redelmeier, Tibshirani, & Evans, 2003) concluded that “The risk of a fatal crash in the month after a [driving] conviction was about 35% lower than in a comparable month with no conviction for the same driver .. [but] The benefit lessened substantially by 2 months and was not significant by 3 – 4 months” (p. 2177), suggesting that conviction – detection and punishment – for a driving offence has only a brief and temporary effect on changing driver behavior. A study of 500 car drivers surveyed two months after receiving a speeding ticket in Glasgow, Scotland (Campbell & Stradling, 2002b) reported that speeding tickets changed the behavior of some, but not all, drivers, finding a mixture of speed sensitive drivers (‘I now pay more attention to my speed while driving’), camera sensitive drivers (‘I now keep more of a look out for speed cameras’) and insensitive drivers, doing neither. Around half had become more sensitive to their speed and were driving more slowly, but one third reported only slowing down for speed cameras, and one sixth reported themselves unremediated, despite paying Ѓ60 and receiving 3 penalty points on their license (where 12 points brings temporary disqualification from driving), and not slowing down at all. Another recent study of Scottish drivers (Stradling et al., 2003) found that 23% of male and 15% of female Scottish car drivers had been flashed by a speed camera in the previous 3 years but when asked ‘What happened the last time you were flashed by a speed camera?’ 4 out of 5 of those (79%) replied ‘Nothing’ (typically because a smaller number of cameras are rotated amongst a larger number of housings, which still flash with no film inside). Detection without consequence is unlikely to be a powerful behavior change agent. Detecting drivers in urgent need of help. We have long known that speed kills. The laws of physics inexorably dictate that the higher the speed at impact the more energy must be rapidly absorbed by hard metal, soft flesh and brittle bone. From the data reported here we have also seen that those drivers who had been stopped by the police for speeding or had been flashed by a speed camera had almost double the incidence of recent crash involvement, with 22% of the detected speeders versus 12% of those who had not been detected speeding having been involved in an RTA as a driver in the previous 3 years. The kinds of drivers who have been detected speeding are more likely to have been recently collision-involved. These people pose more risk to themselves and to other, usually more vulnerable, road users. They need help with changing their driving styles. There is support amongst the UK motoring public for such an approach. The 2002 RAC Report on Motoring (RAC Foundation, 2002) reported 57% of a large UK sample of drivers agreeing with the statement that ‘All drivers should receive periodic refresher training’. Such driver refresher training could be duration-based (and be more frequent for young and old drivers) or incident-based following involvement in road traffic accidents or speeding infractions. Driver retraining courses, where drivers pay for their own remediation, and pay more than the fixed penalty fine, combining classroom sessions (‘Why to change’) and on-road guided practice (‘How to change’) offer the possibility of undoing old habits and facilitating integrated, sustainable changes in driving style. Speed cameras spot ‘crash magnets’ in need of change. Changing KSA, addressing the knowledge, skills and attitudes of drivers, offers a potentially powerful route to changing KSI, and reducing the numbers killed and seriously injured on the roads. References Boyce, T. R. & Geller, E. S. (2002). 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(1985). Do drivers of small cars take less risk in everyday driving? Risk Analysis, 5, 25-32. Waterton, J. (1992). Scottish Driver Attitudes to Speeding. Edinburgh: Central Research Unit, Scottish Office.     PAGE 120 Stephen G Stradling PAGE 121 Speeding Behavior And Collision Involvement in Scottish Car Drivers In: Contemporary Issues in Road User Behavior … ISBN 1-59454-268-6 Eds.: D.A. Hennessy and D.L.Wiesenthal, pp. 111-121__ Љ 2005 Nova Science Publishers, Inc. ЏАхц !ijŒŽВД‘Ъ‰Šj&š&›&И&Й&№&ё&9':'Y'Z'Œ''Ќ'­'Э'Ю'љ'њ'A(B(j(k(Œ((Љ(Њ(Я(а(ѓ(є())A)B)g)h)Š)‹)І)Ї)h,‚,Ѕ.П.[2b2J6K6š6ъ677R7S7q7r7Њ7Ћ7Ь7Э7ђ7ѓ78 8C8D8Я=ѓ=ќіяіќіяіќщќщќфќпќищищіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщќпќпќпќпќиіщіщіщіщіщіщіщіщќи h ~5CJ h ~6 h ~5 h ~CJ h ~5CJ h ~CJh ~U4XYZoЎЏАНОј :CDEWXљїїїїїѕїїїѓѓїїёяїїэїїїїїїэї! 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