ࡱ>  bjbj 8Bo_o_   ///8g+ /1 !!!31515151515151$4d7*Y1!!!!!Y1 n1,,,!x  31,!31,,:/,/0 iV)I/1101a/.7J*7//7/|!!,!!!!!Y1Y1+l!!!1!!!!7!!!!!!!!! : Islay Jazz Festival This article considers the ecologies and stakeholder interests that overlap in the staging of an annual jazz festival on a small Scottish island in the Outer Hebrides. Through interviews with festival promoters, performers and audience members, alongside insights from island residents, we interrogate the special circumstances governing the presentation of a festival of ostensibly urban music in a rural island location. Constructions of identity and myth are observed to permeate narratives around both festival and island, often symbiotically intertwined to mutual benefit. Nonetheless, tensions between incomer and visitor, the rural and the urban, high and low arts, nostalgia and progress are seen to emerge. In the discussion of the complexities involved in the import of a jazz festival to an island steeped in its own history, and internationally recognised for its manufacture and export of distinctive Scotch whisky, this article seeks to explore universal themes of identity construction through a finite study of a distinctly situated cultural festival. Key words: festival + jazz + culture + island + identity construction + festivalisation Introduction This article contributes to the discourse around the roles, meanings and impacts of festivals in society and culture (Getz, 2010). A burgeoning body of related academic study notwithstanding, there remains a paucity of literature available regarding the UK jazz festival phenomenon (Webster and McKay, 2016: 171). Our study examines the overlapping ecologies that contribute in the staging of the Islay Jazz Festival and is positioned predominantly within the field that Webster and McKay identify as qualitative (2016: 172) through its focus on the voices of those who directly effect, contribute to, or are impacted by, the annual weekend event. Of particular interest is the consideration of island identity in the presentation and production of the annual jazz festival. Central to this is the interdependency between islanders and the jazz festival and how the singular geographic situation (Weale, 1991: 2002) of the island contributes to the narrative around the festival. Parallel lines of enquiry investigate the impact of the festival on the island in terms of associated tangible and intangible benefits to those directly and indirectly involved and, conversely, the impact of island cultural identity on the festival. These may be measured in terms of both societal and economic benefit, yardsticks for which are governed by a complex range of variables (Bowitz and Ibenholt, 2009: 2). In the case of Islay, the local economy is underpinned by the base industries of whisky, agriculture and tourism. Bowitz and Ibenholts subsequent classification of direct and indirect effects of cultural heritage investment (2009: 3-5) provides a useful framework on which to expand the investigation into the economic impacts of the annual jazz festival that support discussions around identity. These investigations are focused on complex island identity and that of the festival, the self-identity of its organisers and participants as manifested in the festivals promotion to the public. The festival scene, that encompasses festival organisers, musicians and audiences, takes the form, to borrow from Dowd, Liddle and Nelson (2004: 150), of an annual pilgrimage, an intensely immersive long-weekend of constructed community. The construction of this temporal community will be seen to be effected through programming decisions and the promotion of festival identities, alongside the marriage of locally framed tradition and mythology. Part of the discourse around Islays identity considers self-identified conflict between indigenous and incomer communities and how Islays cultural identity has been altered by the changing profile of island residents. It is acknowledged that cultural tourism can be described as omnivorous (del Barrio, Devesa and Herrero, 2012: 236)), meaning that visitors to the festival typically take in not just the festival offerings but local heritage attractions such as the islands distilleries, bird sanctuaries, walking trails, and arts and crafts centres. This omnivorous nature of tourist consumption complicates the delineation of the quantitative impact of an annual festival. Therefore, rather than proposing either conclusive economic or social impact studies, this article aims rather to provide a nuanced investigation into the overlap of quantitative and qualitative considerations as applied to the annual jazz festival. In this overlap the paper proposes a model that aims to discover fresh approaches to our understanding of the staging of a festival within a distinct cultural and socio-economic setting. Method The study employs a qualitative approach (Bryman & Burgess 1994: 264) employing mixed methods, which include interviews, data and close reading of festival brochures as thinking tools (Phillmore and Goodson, 2003: 5), the research places emphasis on understanding the world from the perspective of its participants and view[s] social life as being the result of interaction and interpretation (Phillmore and Goodson, 2003: 5.) The authors were granted access to financial records by the festival promoters for the sample years 2007 and 2016 and to comprehensive festival programming documentation covering the years 1999 to 2016. This data has been employed to gain historical and operational understandings of the festival, the genders and nationalities of artists programmed, and the ways in which the festival is presented in print publicity. Additional audience feedback, gathered in the inaugural year by the festival, was made available to the authors by its promoters. Semi-structured interviews with the festival director and the chair of Islay Arts Trust, alongside a selection of 20 participating performers, 20 audience members, and 10 Islay residents were conducted by the authors in order to probe dominant research questions around themes of identity construction, and the tangible and intangible cultural and economic impacts of the festival. Convenience sampling was employed in the case of performers, audience members and islanders and it is therefore acknowledged that data gathered should be taken as representative rather than conclusive (Etikan, Abubakar Alkassim, 2015). Performer-respondents were anonymised to protect their business affiliation with the festival organisers. Islay residents are named as they were selected because of their specific relationship to the economic and cultural ecologies of the festival, and their comments therefore need to be read within the context of their role on the island. The operational data and individual perspectives of interviewees provide a nuanced presentation of anisland jazz festival, its impact on the host location and vice versa. These findings form the basis for discussions around identity, heritage and sustainability and, in conclusion, identify areas for subsequent research. The Island Islay is the southernmost island of the Inner Hebrides located off the west coast of Scotland and 65 kilometers north of the Irish coast. The 620 square kilometer island is home to eight distilleries whose identities of provenance are protected under Scots law, and claims a rich tradition of malt whisky production traceable as early as 1779. The distilleries are one of the largest employers amongst the islands population of just over 3000 inhabitants. The islands harbours of Port Ellen and Port Askaig are served by Calmac Ferries from Kennacraig on the Scottish mainland, and its airport by carrier Flybe from Glasgow. A substantial rise in holiday homes that lie empty for long periods of the year has changed both the demographics and profile of the population. Islay has historically been Gaelic-speaking. As such, Islay can be considered to be part of the Gidhealtachd, a description that can either be applied to the geographical area known as the Highlands and Islands, or to a community defined by culture and the Gaelic language. Similar to the rest of the Scotland, the number of Gaelic speakers remains on the decrease (Census 2011). These changes have been witnessed by Hugh Smith, who was born on Islay in 1938. Gaelic is not spoken in the community now, you never heard kids speak it. The sense of it being a Gaelic-speaking community has completely gone. Which isnt to say Islay doesnt have a very vigorous community, but its a Highland identity now. (Hugh Smith, 2017) Gaelic-speaking Scotland has had a strong role in constructing the narrative of Scottish identity (Chapman, 1978; Cormack, 2008; MacDonald 1997). The result of this was, and sometimes still is, an idealised and contradictory view of the area, both as real and myth (Chapman, 1978; Womack, 1989). This mythology seeks to elevate the geographical framing into a constructed identity for the inhabitants, where the apparent wild remoteness of the area is allowed to stand as a metaphor for the people, labelling them as isolated, and therefore unsophisticated. This is even more evident when applied to islands, where the Gaelic-speaking inhabitants have been described as being culturally backwards (Mewett, 1993; Chapman, 1978). The English-speaking cultural dominance of the United Kingdom has put pressure on the culture and language of the Gidhealtachd, with 19th-century education policies considered at the forefront of the suppression of the language (Withers, 1988). Alongside this, economic imperatives and industrialisation have resulted in an exodus of people which may be primarily remembered at its emotional height in the 19th-century clearances, but is ongoing. A counterpoint to rural migration was a movement of outsiders into the area, white settlers (Jedrej and Nuttal, 1996) who have not always been accepted or assimilated easily into the community, but have helped reverse depopulation. Often people who have lived in the area all their lives, and have cultural roots there, refer to themselves as indigenous and people who move to the area as incomers. All of this holds true for Islay, where discussion around the jazz festival is, here, the lens to offer further discourse on the role of insider/outsiders in shaping a communitys cultural engagement. Islay plays host to a range of festivals, including Walk Islay (a week-long walking festival in April), Feis Ile (a week-long celebration of Gaelic music and culture in the month of May), The Country Dancing Weekend (May), Catalina Classical Music Festival (a collaborative chamber music programme comprising island and mainland musicians, and music students from the Royal Conservatoire of Scotland in July), Islay Beach Rugby Tournament (June), Islay Tope Fishing Festival (August), and in September each year a book festival, and a jazz festival. Islay Jazz Festival is the second largest festival on Islay, after the Whisky Festival. The two festivals share some common features importantly the use of whisky to attract visitors, and the direct involvement of the whisky distilleries in the festivals. Whisky is vitally important to the island with distillery tours being the primary reason given by tourists for visiting. Figures from the Scotch Whisky Association show annual spend by tourists at whisky attractions up to 53 million for 2016 (www.scotch-whisky.org, n.d.). According to Stuart Hall, Chair of Islay Arts Association, approximately 50% of the visitors who come to the jazz festival do so for a dual purpose; the jazz and to visit the island. The Jazz Festival Islay Jazz Festival is coordinated annually by Edinburgh-based promoters Jazz Scotland. Since 1999, the jazz festival has contributed to the islands cultural calendar and tourism industry by bringing together local, mainland and international artists and audiences in venues across the island. Festival performance spaces include distilleries, local halls, hotels, art galleries, cafes, and visitor-centres. The festival benefits the island economy across a variety of income streams generated through hotel and bed and breakfast accommodation, local taxi and bus travel, bar, cafe and restaurant food and drink revenues, and direct distillery sales to visitors. In particular, the islands distilleries play an intrinsic part in the festival both by providing concert venues and through corporate brand sponsorship: The distilleries impact is vitally important, for sponsorship and because the venues are unusual and interesting. You dont expect to see jazz in a distillery. And you get a free Lagavulin at every gig. We will be smaller if we dont get sponsorship. (Stuart Todd, 2017) The production costs of Islay Jazz Festival are met through a combination of corporate sponsorship, central (distributed through Creative Scotland) and local government funding (Argyle and Bute Council), trust awards, and ticket revenue. Black Bottle was festival sponsor from 1999 to 2009 and the Lagavulin Distillery from 2010 to the present, the latter producing a specially bottled, and highly collectable, annual jazz festival malt. This portfolio financing is evidenced data made available by the festival relating to two specific festival instances 2007 and 2016: 2007  2016Income % Creative Scotland 16 Local Council 15 Event Scotland 16 Local Trust 8 Corporate Sponsorship 20 Ticket Sales 25 Income % Creative Scotland 24 Local Council 2 Corporate Sponsorship 39 Ticket Sales 35 The on-site festival team includes the director of programming and assistant, sound and lighting technicians, and piano mover/tuner. The director and production team draws on their experience of staging urban jazz festivals Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Dundee. Front of house responsibilities for individual concerts are split between the festival team and representatives from the Islay Arts Trust. The Calmac Ferries terminal in Kennacraig, West Loch Tarbert, Argyll, takes four hours to reach by car from Edinburgh and just under three from Glasgow. Storms from the North Atlantic and Irish Seas frequently cause delays and cancellations to both scheduled air and sea carriers, thereby incurring additional artist accommodation/subsistence costs. The promoters bring much of the staging infrastructure to the island from their Edinburgh base, including PA systems, lighting rigs and pianos that are moved between island venues as programming demands. Islays roads are typically single-track, and transportation therefore frequently problematic. Its unbelievably complex. You need to link [gigs] into ferry arrival and departure times. Theres no point in having your gig right at the time everyone needs to leave for the ferry. Its a question of constantly thinking about the path that every single person is taking in the festival. (Fiona Alexander, Islay Jazz Festival Programmer, 2017) Artists and Audiences The festival presents a broad spectrum of stylistic offerings from the mainstream to the experimental, singer-led to instrumental so as to appeal to a broad audience while taking into account differing musical tastes. Since its establishment, the festival has presented 276 concerts featuring predominantly Scottish artists but has consistently, and increasingly, featured an international dimension. Since 1999, the festival has programmed an average of just over 15 concerts per year, from a low of eight in its inaugural year to a high of 20 in 2003. In addition to Scottish-based artists, the festival has presented musicians from England, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, Italy, Luxembourg and the USA, and featured a significant number of Scottish/overseas collaborations and each year the festival programme includes home-grown talent, providing a platform for Islays small resident community of jazz and blues musicians. It is also worth noting that a significant number of Scottish-based artists appearing at the festival are of foreign descent. Women are typically underrepresented in jazz, both as musicians (Riley and Laing 2006:34) and audience members (Oakes, 2010: 171). This underrepresentation amongst its programmed artists is reflected in the festivals published headline acts, a ratio of 79:21, male:female and, chiming with Riley and Laings observations, the majority of headlining female performers are vocalists. Female instrumentalists account for 6.9% of headline performers, which again compares to Riley and Laings findings of 7.2% within their 2005 demographic sample group. The festival showcases both established bands, and ensembles assembled for specific events made up of visiting musicians. In published billing 64% of programmed performances are headlined by Scottish-based musicians, 16% international (incl. rest of UK), and 20% are joint headlined by Scottish and international musicians. Through this strategy the festival encourages collaboration between musicians and supports domestic and overseas networking between participating musicians. A high degree of promoter/artist loyalty can be observed with many artists returning regularly and, in the case of one artist, each and every year. The festival audience is predominantly comprised of those that travel to Islay specifically for the festival. Whilst initially an estimated 200 locals bought tickets for the festival in the first year, this has plateaued at just over 30 regulars who now attend (figures from Stuart Hall, Islay Arts Association). Audience feedback data collected by the festival in 2007 indicated that just five percent of 98 respondents hailed from Argyll and Bute with the majority (77.5%) attending from elsewhere in Scotland and the remainder traveling from elsewhere in the UK and overseas. In the absence of specific audience data across the span of the festivals staging, it can nonetheless be noted through the authors attendance of numerous editions of the festival that the typical audience goer is in the more mature age-bracket, gainfully employed professionals or retired. In part due to the festivals association with whisky, the attendance of children and families is rare. These demographics no doubt reflect the fact that festival attendance involves inescapable costs such as travel and accommodation over and above the cost of tickets and thereby attracts those with the requisite means of a disposable income. A selection of audience responses elicited by the festival organisers in support of continued government funding reinforce the omnivorous nature of destination tourists: The festival was a wonderful surprise as I didn't know about it until I'd decided to visit Islay, but next year it may be the other way around. And continually highlight the senses of uniqueness, welcome, intimacy and bonhomie experienced through audience proximity to organisers and musicians, often being able to observe the stage being set or lend a hand in tidying up once the gig is over: For me, it's outstanding and unique, because of its special, very, very kind and friendly atmosphere and its excellent organization with many helpful hands, all these fantastic and unusual venues. This festival has/is a character of its own, like no other one! It's like a family gathering once a year, you meet old friends, and you know most of the musicians personally. Alongside expressions of difference and community, the festivals programming strategy is also celebrated. To complement a mature audience one might expect programming focus to be on more easily digested forms of jazz, be it Traditional, Swing or American Song Book. Rather, the festival offers up a diet of largely post-1960s and instrumental contemporary jazz that provides the audience with a degree of challenge, often in the form of special commissions or unique, and often lesser-known, line-ups: The Islay Jazz Festival is a truly special, unique event in my wide experience of jazz in the UK and abroad. Other UK jazz festivals such as the London, Glasgow, Edinburgh and Gateshead festivals focus on big names with few special commissions. Islay provides something else: it creates the space for musicians to experiment together in different formats. Artists acknowleded the special circumstances of destination and infrastructure that define the staging of the festival: The landscape of the island, the vibe, the nearness to people involved - both volunteers and audience. it just gives both the musicians and the audience a good vibe and the sense of performing/attending a concert in a special environment. As it is so localised the contact with the audience is a really big part of Islay Jazz Festival. It's quite a personal experience for the audience members. Often the musicians are staying amongst members of the audience also. the one thing that really stuck out for me was the intimacy and sense of community I felt between both the musicians and listeners. I think the island itself and its striking landscape probably contributed to this as well as the whisky distilleries/venue spaces, but it definitely felt like a perfect environment for people all over the world to converge for a type of jazz mecca, so-to-speak. Distinctions between a remote, rural festival to the urban jazz festival were foregrounded: Islay has a unique experience of traveling over water, the definitive process of leaving the mainland behind, which lends itself to getting musicians in a different space than they would attend a mainland Festival. There are also other situations of sharing accommodations and socialising over the weekend, island travel and putting on performances in unusual spaces (town halls, distilleries, RSPB Centre) that also create a difference. The area is unique in its landscape, the amount of distilleries in such a small space and the general 'up for it' nature of the audiences once they've also made the trip there. A musical reference to, or aesthetic interpretation of, geographically rooted cultural signifiers are often in evidence, whether through compositions or interpretations by Scottish or international musicians. Although not a stated aim by festival organisers, a sense of relevance to and respect for place and history nonetheless seems to permeate the programme. Artists provided alluded to the drawing of influence, whether directly or indirectly, from the festivals island surroundings: Talking about performance and presentation, Im absolutely sure you get influenced by the nature, the ocean and the diversity of the island. The basis of improvisation for me is to feel inspired by my surroundings and whether it is sitting on the cliffs looking at the sunset with baron surroundings or going to the vast beaches in a crazy storm, it is all a source of Inspiration. I have also been known to stand and play on the rocks on the beach looking out to the sea. Some went further than simply expressing the moment, pointing to enduring benefits of their interaction with the festival, its location and its audience: I think anything creative is well-received there. I still draw musical ideas and feelings from my time there, so the place makes a lasting impression. Identities and Branding Tuan (1971) writes of the singularity of an island, whilst Lopez argues that the landscape inhabits us, and its accumulated stories and memories become part of our collective narrative (1996, 4). Islay can make no particular claim to uniqueness; the Scottish islands of the west coast of Scotland are bound by common, culture, language and history, and face similar challenges. The singularity claimed by Tuan can best be articulated by Shields (2004: 428) who writes that: Children born on [small] islands differ from Elsewhere children in that they are knowing of each rock and fencepost of their homeplace, of every field-corner and doorway, every spit of sand and beach pebble. Given this, it is inherently impossible for people who migrate to the area to ever achieve islander status and there is resultant conflict between those who are of the place, and those who arrive: the islander / incomer dichotomy. The Islay Jazz Festival brochures, and therefore the branding of Islay Jazz Festival is insolubly associated with the location of its staging, and with a sense of engaging with both the island, and the islanders. Performers engage withlocals typically without an understanding of the complexities of island identities. [Contact with islanders is experienced through] playing for them, going with an islander to the gig as well as talking to anyone in a pub, restaurant or in the street and getting positive feedback for coming to Islay to play music. The Saturday late night session is always full of locals who are keen to have a dance and let their hair down. The locals often taking door money at venues or serving drinks and we have made many friends over the years. Both islanders and incomers clearly self-identify as such, and there is a very real sense of distinctive cultural engagement, dependent on events. Nearly everything that gets done on Islay gets done by incomers. Ive been on a number of committees and out of 100 people Ive worked with, less than 10% of those have been indigenous. (Todd, 2017) Indigenous locals run things like the Mod [the Gaelic music festival], but Im sorry to say that it is a bit of incomers versus indigenous. We dont know what the local people enjoy, and I dont mean to sound snobbish. (Dr Sandy Taylor, married to Dr Chris Abell, 2017) The schism between perceived high and low art, and to whom they readily appeal or belong is marked: Incomers go to the high end things like ballet and opera. Locals go to ceilidhs, country and western and things like that. (MacNeill, 2017) The Jazz Festival and other arts like this are here for the newly incoming middle class. But why make a value judgement about the limited audience or what it means about the island. it doesnt mean its not functional. (Abell, 2017) The festival has purportedly modest impact on the daily island culture despite efforts to engage with young people attending the local high school through delivery of outreach projects and offering other incentives such as free events. This in turn has resulted in limited influence by visiting performers on young people playing music forms already well-established on the island: It doesnt really influence the type of music played on the island. Here there are three types: the pipe band, the fiddle and whistle, or the School wind band. (Neil Woodrow, 2017) Nonetheless, there is a strong and committed element of the incomer population that does engage with the festival: We go to the jazz festival every year we go to everything we can. Its just wonderful, a weekend of superb music and trundling round the island to amazing venues. We were jazz fans before we came. (Sandy Taylor, 2017) The fact that jazz may not present the cultural offering of choice for many local inhabitants may in part be attributed to the fact that, for such a remote and geographically small location, they have access to a rich and diverse choice of home-grown and visiting culture: One reason people might not identify with the jazz festival, is because theres a surprising amount of other stuff. No other community of 3,000-ish people have as much culture brought to them, as is brought to Islay. (Todd, 2017) Islay is represented on the 1999 festival brochures front cover as an abstracted map of its then seven distilleries, with the back cover providing a short description of the island: Islay is the most southerly of the Hebridean islands. Ornithologists, photographers, golfers, anglers and of course whisky enthusiasts all find Islay a joy. The wares of the seven distilleries can be tasted throughout the island. The imagery of the brochures is predominately of beautiful landscape. Scarles identifies the importance of non-verbal communication within photographs in tourist brochures , (2004) and here, with the festival brochures, jazz tourists are becoming semioticians, understanding and accepting pre-determined ways of seeing destinations. These images, Cohens little secrets (1995) entice individuals to the jazz festival, offering them the suggestion that they have discovered an individual experience where they can enact their fantasies. The marketing of the festival encourages this fantasy. That the festival is not widely advertised further contributes to this sense of secrecy: Its the best kept secret and you find out about it through word of mouth, so you think youre uncovering a hidden gem. (Alexander, 2017) During the subsequent decade of Black Bottle sponsorship, programme covers depict a musician with an island backdrop alongside additional imagery including whisky, boats, lighthouses, leisure pursuits and Vikings (in reference to Islays Norse settlers during the latter part of the first millennium AD). Marking the change of sponsorship from Black Bottle to Lagavulin in 2010, the festival programme was revamped with the introduction of a higher print quality square booklet, replacing the tri-fold A4 brochure of previous editions. Graphic art was replaced by high quality photography, and text revised yearly to celebrate the uniqueness of the festival location and island attractions and local businesses: If you love great music and exploring new places, the festival is perfect for you. [] Other Islay attractions include picturesque villages, long sandy beaches, a championship golf course, eight whisky distilleries and warm welcomes. We are also introducing a Taste of Islay theme to the programme. So watch out for local oysters, the Seafood Shack, Islay Ales, Chocolate Company, the famed homebaking and of course Lagavulin. (2010) The language employed introduced a greater degree of marketing awareness and made increasingly explicit, if romanticized, links between location and event. Synergies between festival and island became foregrounded, as were the meeting of the domestic with the international: Islay is a magical place at all times, but the festival adds an extra allure. [] The high quality artistic programme brings international and Scottish musicians together (2012) The branding around the festival clearly describes an island idyll. Yet this too is frequently the perception of island inhabitants who continue to describe their life in romantic, idealistic terms: I think of Islay as being idyllic, it has beauty, freedom, children can roam freely. The downfall is the weather and transport. But here everyone sees peoples needs and helps much more than in a city. (Margaret MacNeill, Owner Lambeth Guest House, Islay, 2017) The idea of the island is not a made up thing. Its all true. We go out of our way to welcome people, its a natural Islay thing. (Iain Laurie, shop owner, Islay, 2017) There was an acknowledgement by two interviewees, Neil Woodrow, manager of the Columba Centre in Islay, a community venue that is one of the venues for the Islay Jazz Festival, and Dr Chris Abell, a recently retired GPs who came to the island in 2006. They suggest that the idealised identity was to a degree outdated, and that the basis for it, the remote beauty, is endangered by its attraction for tourists. Some visitors do have a strange notion of Highland hospitality and expect all sorts of strange customs. They think, for instance, that in Islay you are always offered a dram in houses my goodness that went out a while back with the crack down on drink driving. (Neil Woodrow, 2017) The reason people come to Islay is because there is this constructed identity that its remote, wild, butthe identity of the community is in danger of being overwhelmed by the narrative of the distilleries. The magic has to be real in some essence for it to work. (Dr Chris Abell, 2017) Two interviewees, both long-term residents, describe a loss of wholesomeness, which they attribute to a decrease in the importance of the church to the community and a change in the way things are done: I feel in some ways that island society is not as wholesome as it would have been in my day. The church has lost its bite. We need to meet the needs of tourists. (Smith, 2017) Theres less home-baking, heiland (highland) hospitality. You get things like canaps now at events rather than the warmth of the church ladies offering to do things. (Margaret MacNeill, 2017) Macleods (2004) definition of islands incudes weak economics and isolation and, hence, the dependency on tourism. They have limited alternatives for growth and industrialisation (Cross & Nutley, 1999). Tourism is a comparatively easy route to revenue generation, with around a sixth of the population benefiting from tourists either directly or indirectly, and the Jazz Festival helps extend the season beyond spring and summer: Were always full the weekend of the Islay Jazz Festival. Cultural events benefits all of the businesses, so Im very much in favour of them. (MacNeill, 2017) The festival certainly do my profits no harm. Islay is limited by bed spaces, so the number of tourists is restricted. (Iain Laurie, 2017) Local businesses on Islay, in common with any other place economically reliant on tourism, charges its visitors what the market will bear, but there were concerns that the Festival too was becoming over-commercialised: Weve gone to the jazz festival for ten years and its got a lot busier over the last two year. It used to be more ramshackle more Islay - the sense of which the island welcomes people have a dram has been more ritualized. (Abell, 2017) I worry that its becoming about the money. The jazz bottle used to be 99, but its now gone up to 149, I know people are going to buy it, but thats crackers. (MacNeill, 2017) The difficulties experienced by mostly urban vistors in traveling around Islay (often a necessary undertaking as performance venues are spread around the island) are expressed, as are the costs of travel, accommodation, and the phenomenon of tourist-driven inflation: At the moment, you really need to bring your car with you, which is a lot of cars, and not very green.I hear that the taxi drivers take advantage of the festival-goers by charging hugely inflated prices. I am not able to spend the time or money to make the journey every year - this was my fourth visit in eleven years - but it has always been an excellent experience, and an excellent advert for the island and its people. Theres an element of price hiking that happens right across the board. I know if I was booking accommodation for something else the weekend before it would be half the price. Theres an element of getting while the getting is good. Alongside financial, some interviewees identified more intangible benefits of the Jazz Festival: I believe that the arts are a hugely civilizing influence on people. (Todd, 2017). Others were more specific about the additional benefits to the community, arguing for the lure of high culture in attracting professionals to relocate to the island: The Jazz Festival helps attract professional people to the island. They want similar minded people, a micro community. They dont want to come if theres nothing to do but listen to Gaelic singers... So it encourages people with the right skills to come. Last time there was a GP vacancy we have three people to interview, which is great. (Woodrow, 2017) Discussion Islay Jazz Festival embodies a move in recent decades towards the festivalisation of jazz (Ngrier, 2015) in response to industrialisation processes across the arts, heritage and creative industries (Jordan 2016: 45). Until the late 1980s, live jazz in Scotland was typically enjoyed ad-hoc and year-round in the countrys concert halls, clubs and pubs. The launch of the Edinburgh Jazz & Blues Festival in 1987 marked, as experienced elsewhere (Bennett, Taylor & Woodward, 2014), the beginning of significant changes to the ways in which musicians and audiences are brought together. The Edinburgh festival and those that followed concentrated and consolidated cultural activity to specific multi-event happenings in urban or rural contexts. The density of population within which urban festivals take place result in audiences comprising a mix of locals and visitors. When, as is the case with Islay, a festival locates itself more remotely and in an area of comparatively sparse population, such a blended audience demographic becomes harder to achieve. Such transplantation of culture, the presentation of an erstwhile urban music on a small Scottish island by city-based promoters, presents a number of notable conditions. The social and political dynamics between stakeholders (festival organisers, sponsors, central and local government agencies, performers, audiences, local business and island inhabitants) that we have observed point to inescapable frictions. Individual stakeholder groups naturally prioritises their own desires: the organisers to stage a financially and logistically successful festival of cultural worth; the sponsors to enhance brand awareness and attract new custom; government agencies to fulfil cultural funding strategies; artists to provide a meaningful audience experience and be treated with according respect and remuneration by the promoter; audiences to experience a uniquely situated, value-for-money cultural experience; local hosts and residents variously to welcome outsiders to their community, and to profit experientially or financially from festival tourism. Tourism scholars suggest that there is a greater move away from resort developments to smaller scale destinations that appear to offer a more authentic encounter with people and cultures (Franklin, 2003; Gurung and Seeland, 2008; Reed and Gill, 1997; Salazar, 2010; Urry and Larsen, 2011) and therefore the image or identity of islands like Islay that is projected has to conform even more to notions of a pastoral escape, or, as Blaikie (2001) writes, an island captured in aspic. By framing the festival within an idealised notion of a Hebridean island, the jazz festival might be accused of complicity in preserving a past that often smacks of cultural voyeurism for the sake of tourist (Pocius, 2000: 273-274). This raises questions around the behaviour of islanders and whether they change their characters to meet the expectations of tourists (George et al. 2009; Overton, 1996; Royle 2009; Solymosi, 2011). Interviews with performers suggest a projection of the otherness of travelling over sea to get to Islay, onto the islanders themselves; merging notions of the intimacy and community of the festival, to the islanders, and therefore suggesting that performers and visitors hold a nostalgic view of the festival. For them, everyone rallies round in a friendly atmosphere where musicians meet locals, and let their hair down together at dances. This view is also articulated by Woodrow, describing the strange notion of Highland hospitality, where every house will offer a dram to tourists (2017), despite this tradition being very outdated. The phenomenon of festival tourism is a problematic area (Quinn, 2006) and is borne out in the case of Islay Jazz Festival. In interviews with local residents and incoming festival organisers and musicians, distinct divisions and degrees of conflict emerge between islanders and the festival circus. Both the festival and domestic businesses make clear their ambitions to entice outsiders to the island. Islays attractions of whisky, sports and outdoor leisure activities are financially dependent on tourism and, in that its audience is predominantly made up of non-locals, so is the jazz festival. Both employ the islands abundant resources of scenery, history and myth to attract visitors and, to a degree, their success is interdependent. There appears to exist what might be described as an air of wary tolerance amongst many locals, alongside a degree of opportunism exercised in their pricing of local accommodation and transport during the festival period. Where the festival has attempted to engage with locals through ad hoc education activities in local schools, by offering fee to attend performances, and by featuring whisky and home-baking at concerts, significant anecdotal evidence suggests that a more meaningful integration remains somewhat distant. It also becomes apparent that a degree of presumption is in play in which jazz is cast as a high art (Fisher, 2012) in the mould of Classical Music and Opera, rendering it therefore less accessible to islanders who are imagined to be more readily entertained by the low arts of traditional music or Country & Western. Whether such presumption is extrapolated from their modest festival attendance or a direct knowledge of islanders cultural tastes was not made known to the authors. Although the festival attracts its annual tourist audience (Tezak, Saftic, & Sergo, 2011: 122) through an advertised programme of jazz concerts, it is clear through its printed publicity materials that the festival simultaneously aspires to position itself firmly as a part of the islands year-round cultural offering, rather than as an unrelated adjunct. Herein, the twinning of jazz with whisky represents an imagined meeting of marques of cultured refinement (although it is interesting to note that within the context of high and low art that jazz and alcohol have throughout history not always been synonymous with loftier pursuits). And by couching itself within the imagined folkloric idyll of island life, the festival imbues itself with a sense of earthy authenticity. Island doctrine tends to describe islands with such terms as idyllic and authentic. They must be ethical, natural, honest, simple, homespun, sustainable, beautiful, rooted and human (Boyle, 2003). Luckman (2015) describes them as being the real thing. However, attributing the pastoral to islands is problematic and should be treated with caution as it often hides the hard truths of commerce behind the veil of decorous sentiment (Williams, 1973: 54). The hidden realities may include lack of employment, opportunities and infrastructure. As Burnett says: The carefully constructed veneer of innocence hides hard realities, like inequality, migration and poverty (2016: 197). The reality for islands such as Islay is that the island, or islandness, they experience is changing to accommodate an increased articulation of self-identity that is shaped by in-migration, returnees and migration of original island families. This has a significant impact on the culture of Islay, not least because a traditionally Gaelic-speaking area is becoming progressively less so as native speakers leave to pursue opportunities elsewhere. By playing to the islands idyllic and pastoral image (as the jazz festival does), there is the concern that it constitutes a mummifcation of culture (Ramos, Stoddart and Chafe, 2016; George et al, 2009; George and Reid, 2005; Overton, 2007; Rothman, 1998; Solymosis, 2011; Urry and Larsen, 2011). It is useful to acknowledge that the romanticised version of culture (Pocius, 2000; Summerby-Murray, 2002) to boost tourism is not limited to islands, but a widespread technique used by tourist boards, as Scarles (2004) work on Scottish Tourist Board brochures demonstrates. The interviews with the islanders have sought to address this point and allow us to consider whether the constructed image of Islay acts as a foil that diverts from the actual or real experience of living on Islay; an experience much less romantic or romanticised than the identity as presented to visitors of the festival. Interviewees suggest a mixed picture, with some locals still identifying a distinct way of live that conforms to ideas of island idylls, where people go out of their way to welcome visitors (Laurie, 2017) and where the beauty and freedom is idyllic (MacNeill, 2017). This needs to be juxtaposed with the acknowledgement in a number of interviews that the appeal of Islay is constructed (Abell, 2017) and that society is changing (Smith, MacNeill, 2017). The culture of the island is complex, involving the movement away from a distinctly Gaelic society towards a more hybrid culture that has been shaped by incomers, who are often the motivators in setting up and running festivals like the Islay Jazz Festival (Abell and Hall, 2017), or other activities that bring Scottish Opera, stand-up comedy and other events to the island. The interviews suggest a division between incomer and indigenous (their terminology), which extends to cultural engagement with events like the Jazz Festival. As such, it is necessary to investigate whether this influx of culture into the island from events such as the jazz festival is beneficial (beyond the merely economic), problematic, or indeed both. Evidence from the islanders interviewed suggest that the benefits do go beyond the economic, in fostering a community and culture attractive to outsiders whose skills are much needed. The interviews (Woodrow, 2017) suggest that for the two GPs, the presence of a mixed cultural offering on the island persuaded them to move from England to Islay which allowed the island to fill its vacancies. The tangible benefits to visiting promoter and musicians are clear. Through corporate and public sponsorship, the festival organisers are able to operate as cultural importers and intermediaries (Keogh, 2014) for both Scottish-based and international jazz artists. Such support affords the festival to offer commissions of original work, new musical collaborations, creative opportunities and artist profile-raising, that often pave the way for individual and collective career trajectories. Where, in contrast, a festival staged in a major city typically presents a programme comprising a mix of local and international acts, Islay Jazz Festival is almost entirely reliant on importing its performers from the Scottish mainland and beyond. The festival thereby facilitates the construction of, and participation in, an annual artists community that crosses borders of generation and musical style; a community in which all are visitors and, in the language of musicians, on tour. The sense of belonging to this ephemeral community appears to be both shared and valued by the festival audience. Over the course of its 17 editions, festival organisers and returning performers have naturally developed an affinity with the island, its inhabitants and visiting jazz-tourists. Although the festival represents the production of jazz in an unfamiliar environment, this environment has over time come to represent a home from home to its contributors, or the reunion of an extended family (Webster and McKay, 2016: 179). This article proposes that any narrative created around a cultural fixture, such as the Islay Jazz Festival, necessarily involves a complex tapestry of consideration. Complexity is compounded by the fluid and overlapping nature of the tapestrys contributing strands. Where it might be practical to arrive at quantitative evaluations on individual elements such as infrastructure, tourism, sustainability etc., none of these can or should be taken in isolation when measuring overall meaning and significance of the festival. The various stakeholders given voice by this study experience the festival by very much their own measure, be that on practical, assumptive or mythologised bases. 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Clevedon, Philadelphia, pp 136-166  In 1999 there were seven working distilleries on Islay: Ardbeg, Bowmore, Bruichladdich, Bunnahabhain, Caol Ila, Lagavulin and Laphroaig. An eighth distillery, Kilchoman, was established in 2005.      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